The union between the VMRO and the UDF dates back to 1994. Since then the two organizations have run in four elections with a shared ballot - twice at parliamentary, once at presidential and once at local polls. From the very beginning of the alliance the VMRO has manifested its independence and self-esteem, which have often been described by UDF analysts as Macedonian stubbornness and self-will. In the 1995 municipal elections the Blagoevgrad -region unit of  the VMRO refused to support UDF's candidates for mayors, which led to the defeat of the UDF in this area. Later the VMRO became the organization which most actively supported the UDF in its efforts to remove the Socialist government from power. The VMRO was UDF's 'striking hammer' in the January 1997 events. Then the VMRO asked of the UDF four deputy seats in the parliament to be elected, but received only two.

There is an interesting fact that both Krassimir Karakachanov - VMRO leader, and Anatoly Velichkov - member of the VMRO leadership, were elected deputies from Sofia within the UDF party list. Karakachanov was the only one among the UDF allies who participated in the UDF primaries gaining an overwhelming victory. At that time the VMRO people did not have ultimatum demands for posts in the public administration. Since then the VMRO has further been gathering strength and has established itself in the limelight of the political scene. Karakachanov asserts that the VMRO has a membership of over 10000 persons, while its supporters' number is much larger.
Moreover, the VMRO is financially self-dependent. Known is Karakachanov's declaration that he himself finances a newspaper, the Macedonian National Institute, the party headquarters personnel based at 5 Pirotska Str., as well as a song and dance company. What is known for certain so far is that the revenues come from rent payments for a large number of buildings in the heart of Sofia. The organization was able to restore its ownership over them within a very short period of time as early as 1992 owing to the then Prosecutor General Ivan Tatarchev's incessant efforts. Of course, in circulation have been some rumours telling of sharp practice, but similar stories are being told about all parties in Bulgaria.

The relations with the UDF have deteriorated after VMRO's repeated demands for being given a deputy district governor's seat in Pirinska  Macedonia as the Blagoevgrad region is being referred to by the voivodes. Despite their claims Ivan Kostov has assigned the post to MRF activist Arif Mustakli clearly suggesting in this way that for the UDF the negotiations with the MRF related with the coming local elections are much more important.

The VMRO have made no quarrel, but have taken quite a dignified position instead. They have sent two letters to Ivan Kostov, one of them congratulating him on the breakthrough in the relations with Macedonia, and the other one informing him that they do not accept the proposed posts of deputy governors of the Plovdiv and Sofia districts and in fact do not want any positions at all. On the VMRO's part, there followed a series of independent acts. The VMRO voted against the text of the declaration accompanying the Framework Convention on Minority Rights. Earlier, quite of a sudden, Karakachanov had a meeting with Ahmed Dogan, with whom he had had no talks since their meeting held in 1995 in Bansko. After their conversation both of them expressed their satisfaction with it. Karakachanov's second unexpected meeting was the one with Zhan Videnov whom he had once fought so hard.

In particular, UDF-VMRO relations have been seriously embittered in the Plovdiv municipal council, where the voivode municipal councillors have accused openly their colleagues from the UDF of reviving Article 1 of the Communist constitution by appointing to key administrative and managerial posts only incompetent non-professionals, whose sole merit is being UDF activists. They too were the ones who asked for an audit of the UDF-managed municipality on account of mass shady affairs (e.g. the Junkers buses deal).

Now it is safe to say that in Pirinska Macedonia, as well as in the Plovdiv and the Veliko Tirnovo regions the VMRO will run in the local elections on its own. The final tactics of the organization will be decided at the forthcoming congress whose outcome is anticipated. Certainly, no scandals or splits are going to take place there, as expected by some people. The congress will see the triumph of the voivodes' organization apparatus with its inherent qualities. Krassimir Karakachanov and the 'holy trinity' will be unanimously re-elected. Besides Karakachanov himself, the 'holy trinity' includes MP Anatoly Velichkov and organizing secretary Nikolay Kanchev. It is not very likely for Ivan Tatarchev, together with the older members, to split off. It is more likely for Tatarchev to make himself comfortable in the office awaiting him at 5 Pirotska St.. His contradictions with the 'holy trinity' concern only the alliance with the UDF, which he is strongly and energetically opposed to. Undoubtedly, Tatarchev will help the VMRO become further consolidated and much more self-dependent, as well as ever more actively take authority positions.

An important task facing the congress is the clarification of the ideological platform. It must be admitted that the present-day VMRO is very far from the one in the past which monarchs and high-rank politicians from all the Balkan countries invariably reckoned with. Today's voivodes are realists, but deep in their hearts they cherish the legends of the glorious past. Now they stake on a positive nationalism, on a strong state and its efficient institutions. Looming most clearly is their ambition to resolve pragmatically the nation's cardinal issues. All this is hard to achieve now, because the VMRO is not involved in the government. The VMRO is a very disciplined, determined, self-respectful and well-organized formation which is also financially independent, but it is not engaged in the administration. For the time being, the UDF remains its only possible partner, although not the best preferred one. The VMRO has taken a firm stand against the BSP and the MRF. Indeed, the confrontation with the MRF is mostly existent on the media scene. The truth is that in a number of places in the Rhodopes and in Pirinska Macedonia only the MRF and the VMRO have local units which, until now, have supported either the BSP, or the UDF. Before the approaching elections the likelihood of reaching mutual agreement becomes ever larger. Until now the organizations that have expressed willingness to cooperate with the VMRO in the municipal elections are the Democratic Party, the BZNS Petko Iliev faction, and the Nikhrizov-led BSDP. Ideologically, the VMRO has never got a partner on a par before. Closest is the OKZNI /All-people's Committee for Defending the National Interests/, but leadership arguments with this organization are huge and, besides, it stands very close to the BSP.

A new coalition with the Constitutional Forum headed by Nikolay Ghenchev is not to be ruled out.
The delegates to the congress will also have to finally decide the question of whether the VMRO-SMD should be registered as a political party, or persist as a civic organization alone. If it decides to be legitimized as a party, this will certainly mean that it has left behind its 'puberty years' and has decided to be established as a long-lived political subject with a face and weight of its own and become the unifying centre of Bulgarian nationalism.

Every instance of autonomous and independent behaviour manifested by the VMRO in the past induced only irritation in the UDF, but their interaction was not affected badly or seriously. Obviously, the UDF is not very much concerned with the fact  that in the forthcoming elections the VMRO might win 10-15 mayoral seats. What matters most to the UDF is that the BSP should lose them.

Another feasible hypothesis is that the UDF deliberately stimulates the formation of a genuine rightist nationalistic party in Bulgaria which will allow the UDF to assume the appearance of  a moderate centrist party, for it really wishes to look like one.

VMRO's behaviour so far has been marked by dignity and patriotism and has prompted respect. From now on, however, the VMRO will have to join the big political poker game, where the bids are often dishonest and amoral. The VMRO is not a political force of decisive importance, but it is already capable of upsetting the applecart of the 'great powers'.